Lundi 7 mai 1 07 /05 /Mai 01:05

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According to our correspondent in Abidjan, the French election in Ivory Coast is taken differently depending on the side you are: a pro-Gbagbo or a Pro-Ouattara.


While for the partisans of president Gbagbo a defeat of Sarkozy would be perceived as a tiny consolation, due to Mr Sarkozy direct implication in the push against President Gbagbo in April 11th 2011, in Ouattara camp, the announce of Mr Sarkozy defeat, who is said by many observers to be Ouattara main support in the western countries, is been waiting with lot of anxiety.


In the district of Yopougon for example some partisans of president Gbagbo have already prepare the festivities of the Sarkozy defeat. Indeed, chickens and sheep were bought in great quantities to celebrate as it is necessary for the decline of the one who is consider being the main author of the tragedy they are living in since the seizure of power of ouattara’s clan.


The reaction of Mr Ouattara's militia known for their exactions committed on the civilians did not wait for long. Since few days, the militiaman FRCI going around to warn the patriots said to be faithful to the President Gbagbo against any demonstration of joy in case of defeat of Nicolas Sarkozy. In some districts district like Yaosei, some of the residents began to move in the fear of confrontations which could start as soon as the result will be proclaimed


We were also informed that some Ouattara's partisans have begun to withdraw some important amount of money from their bank accounts. Indeed, according to them, Nicolas Sarkozy's fall will sound inevitably the Knell of their champion regime.

Par truthfighter - Publié dans : actualité politique
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Lundi 27 février 1 27 /02 /Fév 00:06

 

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This past February 22 , as part of the litigation against President Gbagbo, the ICC released a document, saying that the judges of the court allowed Prosecutor Ocampo to investigate the tragic events which have devastated the Ivory Coast since September 19, 2002, days of the outbreak of armed rebellion led by Alassane Ouattara and Guillaume Soro.

 

What could be perceived initially as a victory for supporters of President Gbagbo has quickly turned into deep disappointment. And for good reason. Looking through the document in question in paragraph 35, we read this: "In light of the limited informations provided by the Prosecutor, the Chamber is Unable to Assess whether Crimes Against Humanity may also have Been committed by any of the rebel forces . "In other words, the judges say that based on information provided by the prosecutor Ocampo, the Court judges have no legal basis allowing any Legal action of Ivorian rebels Ouattara and Soro.

 

According to Ocampo no evidence that they have committed those  crimes against humanity since 2002. we believe in the good faith of Ocampo, that is why we provide this document of Amnesty International, an organization not recognized as pro-Gbagbo. In this detailed document, Amnesty International shows the killings of 60 policemen and their children taken prisoners by the rebels of Ouattara and Guillaume Soro in October 2002. Let's hope that this document will help the ICC make justice, and condemn the real culprits of the massacres, namely Guillaume Soro, Alassane Ouattara, and their military chiefs.

 

 

 

Amnesty International 27 February 2003

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INTRODUCTION

 

At Bouaké, on 6 October 2002, about 60 gendarmes, accompanied by about 50 of their children and some other civilians were arrested at their barracks by armed personnel of the Mouvement patriotique de Côte d’Ivoire (MPCI), Côte d’Ivoire Patriotic Movement, who had taken control of the country’s second largest town on 19 September 2002. They were taken to the 3rd infantry battalion’s military camp prison. That same evening, MPCI armed personnel entered the prison several times and opened fire, killing and wounding dozens of the prisoners. The survivors were left for two days among the wounded and the decomposing bodies, without being given any food. Some of them were forced to carry the bodies out and bury them in mass graves, and a dozen of them were very probably killed on the site of the mass graves after they had buried their colleagues.

 

This information was gathered by an Amnesty International delegation from interviews with some of the survivors of the massacre, during the course of a research mission to the area held by the MPCI, in December 2002. Their statements were later compared to the testimony of other survivors who had been released and who had reached areas under government control.

 

 

Amnesty International did not at first make this information publicly available because such a step may have endangered the lives of the gendarmes who witnessed the massacre and who remained in custody in Bouaké. All these gendarmes have since been released after having paid very large ransoms, and Amnesty International can now report the details of this massacre as far as it has been able to reconstruct what happened.

 

 

 

THE MASSACRE OF GENDARMES AT BOUAKÉ IN OCTOBER 2002

 

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News of the MPCI massacre of dozens of gendarmes at Bouaké, at the beginning of October 2002, quickly spread in the form of rumours or as categorical public statements made by the press close to the government in Abidjan. However, the absence of eye-witnesses meant that few details were known about the exact circumstances of the massacre. The MPCI recognised that the gendarmes had been killed at the beginning of October 2002, but claimed they were killed in combat between MPCI and government forces when the latter tried to recapture the town of Bouaké before being repelled on 5 and 6 October 2002. The MPCI communicated this same version of events to the Amnesty International delegation visiting Bouaké in December 2002.

 

Using eye-witness accounts, and after a detailed investigation, Amnesty International has been able to trace what happened in this massacre. The gendarmes arrested on 6 October 2002 at the 3rd gendarme legion headquarters in Bouaké were not killed in combat. Most of them were killed in cold blood by armed MPCI personnel while being held prisoner with about 50 of their children and some civilians in the 3rd infantry battalion military camp prison in Bouaké. Moreover, some of them, including the wounded, were very probably killed on the site of the mass grave in which they were forced to bury their colleagues. The survivors of the massacre were only saved thanks to an order given at the last moment by an MPCI officer. Finally, a dozen gendarmes, still detained in December 2002, were released after paying very high ransoms.

 

At Bouaké, during their research mission, the Amnesty International delegation formally asked representatives of the military wing of the MPCI for permission to visit the mass graves where the gendarmes were buried. The MPCI authorities replied that they did not know the exact place of the graves and that they only contained the bodies of gendarmes killed in combat.

 

Here, then, is a detailed chronological description of the massacre as reconstructed by Amnesty International. For security reasons, the names of gendarmes who escaped the massacre are not divulged in this document because some of them received threats from the MPCI on their release.

 

 

a) The circumstances in which the gendarmes were arrested on 6 October 2002

 

The capture of Bouaké by armed elements who later adopted the name of Mouvement patriotique de Côte d’Ivoire (MPCI), Côte d’Ivoire Patriotic Movement, took all the security forces by surprise in this, the second largest city of Côte d’Ivoire.

 

One of the survivors of the Bouaké massacre told the Amnesty International delegation how the attack took he and his colleagues by surprise:

 

We heard shots around 3 or 4 in the morning of 19 September. We raised the alarm signalling the need to protect the barracks from attack. We had learned from the radio that the “Zinzins” and the “Bahéfoués” had revolted (military personnel contracted by General Gueï in the transition period had just learned they were about to be demobilised). We stayed on guard throughout 19 September, but we were not attacked. We stayed within the camp perimeter. On 20 September, some four wheel drive vehicles approached the perimeter wall and armed personnel on board these vehicles fired into the air. We did not respond because we did not have enough ammunition. We decided to fly the white flag from the wall and to lay down our arms. We stayed in the barracks without a problem until 6 October, towards midday.”

 

All the gendarmes met by Amnesty International stated that the white flag was flying continuously above their barracks and that they had no contact nor any problem with the MPCI during the first three weeks in which the town was occupied by the MPCI. Some gendarmes were even able to leave the barracks freely to return to their homes in Bouaké and civilians, relatives and friends were able to visit the barracks.

 

This information, which shows that the gendarmes had no problems coexisting with the MPCI for three weeks, was confirmed to the Amnesty International delegation in December 2002 by a senior MPCI officer in Bouaké. He confirmed that, “on the morning after we captured the town, the gendarmes laid down their arms and we thought that we could coexist. Everything was going well until the attack on Bouaké by government forces on 6 October”.

 

On 6 October 2002, government troops launched an offensive to recapture the town of Bouaké. MPCI personnel thought the attack had only been made possible thanks to “gendarmes that had infiltrated” the town. They therefore surrounded the3rd legion barracks and arrested all the men there, about 60 gendarmes, accompanied by about 50 of their children aged above 12, and some civilians who happened to be visiting relatives or friends in the barracks at that time.

 

 

Several gendarmes described to Amnesty International the circumstances in which they were arrested that day:

 

On Sunday 6 October, between midday and 13.00 hours, we were preparing our meal when the barracks was surrounded and the ‘rebels’ asked us to come out. They were firing all round the barracks. They told all the men to come out and so we went out, with our sons and the civilians who were with us. The women stayed in the barracks and I don’t think they were harmed. The ‘rebels’ told us they had learned that Abidjan agents had infiltrated the group and they wanted to check this information. Some of them accused us of being combatants sent by Abidjan. They therefore took us to the military camp.”

 

Another gendarme told us:

 

I was in the barracks with my family. I was not wearing military uniform. I was dressed like I am now (shorts and T-shirt). The ‘rebels’ arrived in 4 wheel drive vehicles on Sunday and surrounded the camp. They fired into the air and one of my colleagues went out to ask what was happening. The ‘rebels’ replied that there were rumours that loyalists had infiltrated and they proceeded to carry out checks. We all came out of carrying white flags and they made us sit down on the tarmac while they checked us.”

 

The 100 arrested and disarmed men were taken to the 3rd infantry battalion military camp about seven kilometres away. Some prisoners were put into the vehicles, others were made to walk. One of the latter group told the Amnesty International delegation:

 

We had to walk for more than an hour. We were booed by the people. Near the police station, there was a group that shouted: ‘Cut their throats, kill them’. People also threw stones at us, some of which hit us.”

 

b) The massacre at the 3rd infantry battalion military prison


On arrival at the 3rd infantry battalion military camp, the approximately 100 detainees were taken to the camp prison. As the prison was relatively small (about eight metres long by five metres wide, with three small cells without electricity), most of the prisoners sat down in the prison courtyard (see drawing). It was about 14.00 hours.

 

Drawing of the military prison where the gendarmes were held in Bouaké

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Although the massacre only began towards 20.00 hours, it was preceded by several warnings, in which the MPCI personnel tried to justify their intended actions and torture the prisoners psychologically by telling them what they intended to do.

 

All the gendarmes met by Amnesty International still recall the threats made to them a few hours before the killing started:

 

On several occasions, armed men entered the prison and stared at us. One of them said: ‘Can you remember the White Horse, the black Mercedes[i] Yopougon? I had to go into exile. You are all going to die.’ Another came in later and said: ‘Remember Yopougon? Now it’s your turn. Whatever will be, will be’.”

 

Despite these threats, many prisoners did not seem to realise the danger they faced. One of the survivors told Amnesty International: “We couldn’t believe it, we thought they were just saying that to demoralise us, we didn’t think they were actually going to do it.”

 

Suddenly, towards 20.00 hours, two armed men entered the prison, including a Dozo[ii]. All the witnesses met by Amnesty International agree on what happened next:

 

Two men came in, a Dozo and another man in military uniform. They stood on the threshold of the door and shouted at us aggressively, threatening us. Then, suddenly, against all expectations, the Dozo opened fire with his Kalashnikov, hitting everybody in front of him. Some prisoners were sitting, others were laying on the floor, a lot of them were hit. I was able to escape alive because I was leaning on the tap, near the WC, in the left hand corner of the prison (see above drawing), and so I was outside the firing line. They then closed the door and left.”

 

 

The prisoners realised that these armed men would return and everyone tried to find a hiding place in the small building. Half an hour later, a second group of armed men opened the prison door. One of the survivors told Amnesty International what happened:

 

I hid in one of the cells at the far end. Other more agile prisoners climbed up on the roof. A half hour later, armed men came in and fired blindly at us. I heard children shouting: ‘We are not gendarmes, don’t kill us!”

 

Towards 22.00 hours, a third group came in. One of them shouted: ‘Kill them all’. Then, one of the members of the group entered the prison compound, climbing over the dead and wounded, who were motionless on the floor. A witness told Amnesty International how this armed man moved towards him:

 

I was hiding in the cell on the left. The wall protected us against the bullets, but one of the ‘rebels’ approached and had a look in our cell. He said: ‘Shit, there are still a lot of them in here’. He sprayed the room with bullets, then he reloaded and opened fire again indiscriminately. When he left, I was covered in blood. I hid under a body to protect myself.

 

Another witness survived by hiding in the cell on the right. The MPCI soldiers did not fire on the people in this cell, because members of the Forces Nationales de Côte d’Ivoire (FANCI), National Côte d’Ivoire Forces, were held there, and had been apparently held there since the MPCI captured the town on 19 September 2002. This testimony clearly shows that the killings were not carried out in an uncontrolled manner. Despite the hate articulated by the MPCI personnel and the blind violence of their attacks, they maintained a distinction between the different security forces.

 

According to the survivors, the three successive waves of firing killed about 40 gendarmes, about 30 of their children and five of the civilians arrested with them, including a teacher and a shop assistant working at the ‘18 logements’ chemist in Bouaké.

 

Throughout the next day, Monday 7 October 2002, and for a good part of Tuesday 8 October, nobody came into the prison and the survivors remained alone, without food and with the dead and wounded, some of who died on that day.

 

One of the gendarmes met by Amnesty International lost three sons in the massacre. One of them died instantly on the evening of 6 October and two died in his arms on the next day:

 

I was arrested with three of my children. The 21 year old died instantly on Sunday evening. My two other children, aged 19 and 23, were wounded. I stayed at their sides throughout Monday but they died on that day from their wounds.”[iii] 

 

One of the surviving gendarmes told the Amnesty International delegation that people regularly came to look through the keyhole. It was only at around 17.00 hours on Tuesday 8 October that the prison doors opened again and MPCI personnel told

 

some of the prisoners to bring out the bodies for burial. One of the gendarmes given this task told Amnesty International:

 

Some of the bodies were already in a state of decomposition. The smell was so bad that the ‘rebels’ covered their nose and mouth. We loaded three vehicles with bodies and took them to the neighbourhood called ‘Dar es Salaam’ where we buried them in mass graves.”

 

The people who buried the bodies that day were taken back to the prison. The guards told the survivors to wash the blood- spattered walls. However, they did not remove all traces of the massacre, because the Amnesty International delegation saw many bullet holes that had literally pierced the walls of the prison. During the night of 8 to 9 October, seven other wounded died from their wounds. On Wednesday 9 October, the guards made some of the survivors bury the newly dead. But unlike the preceding day, none of them returned to the prison. All the survivors of the Bouaké massacre are convinced that they were killed on the site of the mass grave after being forced to bury their colleagues.

 

They chose the heftiest ones, including Séry Sogor, Doua Gbongue, Brou Koffi Raymond and Obo Boni to take the dead away. They also took away three wounded on the pretext that they had no drugs. None of them returned.

 

Photo caption Chief Master Sergeant Dosso Messolo


 

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Among the three wounded who were taken away was Alain Messolo, one of the sons of Chief Master Sergeant Dosso Messolo. The latter, who had already seen another of his sons, Ladji, die before his own eyes, did not want to let his son Alain go on his own and insisted on going with him. They were never seen again.

 

 

That same Wednesday, 9 October, towards 17.00 hours, several vehicles came to pick up the last survivors, who now numbered about 40. One of them told us:

 

 

In the lorry, they made fun of us and forced us to sing ‘Jesus is good’, ‘Jesus is bad’, to make sure we understood that we were going to be killed and make us understand that Jesus was going to desert us. We arrived at the place where some of our colleagues had buried the dead on the previous day. We saw that the well-sinkers had just dug another hole. Before we could get down from the lorries, one of them told us they were going to kill us. Then he told us that we could run if we wanted, and this would give them a bit of ‘target practice’. Suddenly, someone said that ‘the colonel’ had told them to take the prisoners back and we returned to the prison.

 

 

A few days later, 26 of the gendarmes’ children and one gendarme who had survived the massacre were released. But that did not put an end to the summary executions. On 14 November 2002, two gendarmes, Sergeant Vléi Déhé Paul and staff-sergeant Koué Bi Zanli, were taken from their cells by a member of the MPCI called Sékou, who had apparently been punished for an unknown reason. One of the surviving gendarmes told Amnesty International:

 

These three people never returned. Prisoners were later told to bury them. Once again, we were afraid. We understood that nothing had finished.

 

 

The release of the last prisoners in exchange for very large ransoms

 

When the Amnesty International delegation managed to gain access to the 3rd infantry battalion military camp prison, in December 2002, there were ten gendarmes left there, one police officer and one soldier. The latter two had been arrested after the gendarmes.

 

 

Since then, Amnesty International has obtained confirmation that all the gendarmes who survived the massacre were released after paying very large ransoms of between 750,000 and 1,000,000 francs CFA (between 1,100 and 1,500 Euro). The MPCI members guarding the prisoners blackmailed the gendarmes’ families, threatening to kill their detained relatives if they did not pay the ransom they were demanding. In spite of the terrible economic crisis that has affected the whole country since the beginning of the crisis in September 2002, the families of the prisoners were able to raise the money thanks to extensive family solidarity.


One of the released gendarmes told Amnesty International : “All my family got together to raise the money. They borrowed money in order to free me. When I got back to Abidjan, they looked at me as if I were a ghost.

 

It seems that the soldier still detained had not been able to contact his relatives to ask them to raise money for the ransom. This soldier was not a witness to the execution of the gendarmes and their children between 6 and 9 October 2002. He was arrested at a later date. Amnesty International insisted that the MPCI authorities provide this soldier with the protection afforded by the Geneva Conventions.

 

In addition, the MPCI sent Amnesty International a memorandum, dated 10 February 2003, in which it noted “its surprise at many of the points in Amnesty International’s report, especially in relation to extrajudicial executions [and the] release of prisoners in exchange for a ransom.”. Amnesty International notes the MPCI’s position, but considers that its investigation has already established various facts:

 

· The organisation cannot comment on the possible involvement of the gendarmes arrested on 6 October at the 3rd gendarme legion headquarters in Bouaké in the attack launched by government troops in an attempt to recapture the town on that day.

 

· However, all witnesses agree that more than 100 people (about 60 gendarmes, about 50 of their children and a few civilians) were disarmed and taken to the 3rd infantry battalion military camp prison. These individuals were, therefore, protected by common article 3 of the four Geneva Conventions. This article applies equally to government troops and armed opposition groups and, in particular, provides that: “Persons taking no active part in the hostilities, including members of armed forces who have laid down their arms and those laced hors de combat by sickness, wounds, detention, or any other cause, shall in all circumstances be treated humanely”.

 

· Amnesty International has been able to establish, on the basis of witness accounts, a list of 60 people who were killed in a summary and deliberate manner inside the prison.

 

· Amnesty International believes that some survivors, including the wounded, were not killed at the site of the mass grave. Until an impartial and independent investigation has been able to identify the bodies buried in the mass graves at Bouaké, the organisation considers these people to be “disappeared”.


· Amnesty International considers that these facts constitute a very serious breach of the Geneva Conventions, which binds the MPCI in the same way as it binds all other parties to the conflict.


 

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Par truthfighter - Publié dans : Human right
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Lundi 9 janvier 1 09 /01 /Jan 20:25

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Minutes of the Public Meeting in Paris

 


On Friday, January 6, 2012 from 7:17 p.m., a large gathering of information, education and (re) mobilization was held in the 5th arrondissement of Paris under the direction of Bernard HOUDIN (Representative of the Spokesman of President Laurent Gbagbo) and Claude kudu (his assistant). The mobilization was very strong at the point that much of the crowd came from different backgrounds could access the room.


 

This was to give news of the President and discuss the situation in Côte d'Ivoire. The exchanges are organized around two points: first news about the President and then actions.

 


On the first point, we must remember that the President is going well and fought for "go through" in accordance with the line he declined during his initial appearance in The Hague. Clarification was made ​​to reassure the audience on rumors that people animated by intentions which they alone know the ins and outs are convey. While recognizing the Internet as a great vehicle for communication, attention was drawn to observe great vigilance and to have the distance necessary to distinguish what is reliable information from the tares (false information, oriented, manipulation and intoxication). About how to visit the President and his lawyers, were given accurate information and denials made ​​in respect of which sounds fancy are made ​​available by design. All those who are mobilizing to fight - and they are many - should contact the official channels that remain available to indicate what each can bring out the country and the President where they were by myopia a few people who have no vision for the Ivory Coast and Africa.



Specifically regarding the defense of the President (the lawyers and the line of defense), we must remember that the President is first himself his own defender and he knows exactly what he wants. The President has never been in a process that goes against the national interest. As such, despite the vigilance that everyone concerned would observe the situation, we say that nothing will be implemented that is contrary to the interests of the President and starting from the Ivory Coast. Vigilance was drawn to the development of sectarian discourse that are not in the President's vision. Although the enemy and destabilizing Ivory Coast are clearly identified.


 

All proposals and contributions are in line construction are even desirable. Together we will succeed but - and this is very important - in the order and discipline. We invite everyone to work at his level and observe discipline. We must trust the actors who work alongside the President. The relevance of the choice of counsel, we must accept that the people who are responsible know where the national interest and there is not a controversy that could swell serve our camp. Questions focused on negligence, which were found at times in the history of our country. Some are legitimate and should take note. But executives discussions are made ​​available and everyone is invited to bring their experience, expertise and constructive proposals and that in peace and in a climate of mutual trust. Information concerning the assertion of "the poverty" of the President was confirmed at the meeting. It must be said that beyond the simple statement, the envelope has not been mentioned provision. But it is a first major victory was even picked up by a press that is not always favorable to President Laurent Gbagbo. This already refers to the question: where are the economic crimes? That said, it's not - if the sum of € 76 000 was confirmed - with such an amount that President Gbagbo would have a defense to the stakes. Every freedom fighter is invited to take responsibility for influencing the course of events once the spokesman appealed.

 

"The case Kieffer," a hot topic of the news was discussed. At this level, great vigilance must be observed and mobilization on edge. For an investigation and justice oriented avoiding contradictions that are submitted will not be accepted.


On the second point, the need to provide information to those who are available to "act for freedom" in relation to the fate of the President of our country and Africa in general has been affirmed. An action plan will be published shortly, to the provincial cities of France and other countries whose terms have so far been discussed. Tour information, education, exchange and (re) mobilization will take place on the basis of this action program.

 


All those who are able to host small areas or cells to form effective relay in cities can contact us. The Representative of the Spokesman announced the establishment of specialized frameworks, adapted to what should be our policy.

 

On organizing marches, he was never told that the representation is parolat holder against the steps - and it is not even in its role to prohibit -. We reiterate that the steps are just as "a weapon" to be used wisely. However, it is in the role of the Representation of unfortunate attitudes that may affect our struggle in terms of images. Democrats can rightly support us. This is why you have to be responsible and stay within the cap set by the President. Compatriots have shown their willingness to be relays in their neighborhoods. They are intentions that we support so that they are performed.

 


The meeting ended completely by exchanges with the presidents of associations especially of Ivorians and nationals of Nanterre Zikobouo we welcome initiatives.

 


Done at Paris January 7, 2012


        

Representation for the holder parolat,

 


The Deputy Representative, Claude kudu

Par truthfighter - Publié dans : actualité politique
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Dimanche 8 janvier 7 08 /01 /Jan 14:39

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The "Letter contains"

 

 

 

 

Since he came to power in disastrous conditions, Alassane Ouattara, seeks to reward all its sponsors. The dsernier dated Ancine none other than the owner of the UN Operation in Côte d'Ivoire (UNOCI), the South Korean Jin-Young Choi.

 

According to the latest edition of the fortnightly Paris, "the letter of the continent," Alassane Ouattara is to award the contract for plant equipment Azito 3 of the company Hyundai at the expense of the French group that was on Astrom the blow. "The CEO of Astrom, Patrick Kron, was somewhat annoyed to learn mid-December, from Brazil, where he accompanied the French Prime Minister Francois Fillon, the award of the equipment was finally returned three Azito its competitor, the South Korean Hyundai.

 

For several weeks, the French group had been assured of Alassane Ouattara and Prime Minister Guillaume Soro, to win the contract. This project should help increase the capacity of the power plant of 290 MW to 345 MW. However, for several weeks, Gobeleq Generation Ltd, majority shareholder of Azito Energy leads the project, chose to hold talks with South Korean group, which received a Vrp of choice in the country: former boss of UNOCI, Choi Young-jin, "wrote the letter including the continent in its latest edition.

 

Our colleague even said that those responsible for Azito Energy were all the more reinforced to offer the contract to Choi, and his brothers from South Korea, all employees of Ouattara, Soro, head, including Charles Koffi Diby , Adama Toungara and Patrick Achi and the handyman of the palace, Phillipe Serey-Eiffel, were supportive fellow Choi.

 

Also according to the letter of the continent, in this juicy case, the U.S. ambassador in Cote d'Ivoire, thundering Phillip Carter III, would have supported the South Korean. Especially since they have committed to buy the turbines from General Electric American. The same source, the contract was signed discreetly at the end December 2011. Comment Letter of the continent: Nicolas Sarkozy will discuss with the back of Astrom Alassane Ouattara at the next visit to Paris it's 26 to 28 January 2012.

 

According to our colleagues, the French are particularly upset that the supply of Astrom was better than Hundai. When we say in Ivory Coast that the coalition militarist who led the coup of April 11, 2011 was motivated by economic interests, there are people to doubt. So "our beloved" Choi rewarded for his role in the tragedy Ivorian.

 

 

William T. Gbato

Par truthfighter - Publié dans : Economy
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Dimanche 8 janvier 7 08 /01 /Jan 14:35

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Certainly, things are going well for the moment, for President Laurent Gbagbo in The Hague. His lawyers, led by Emmanuel Altit, will have something to dig and dig to find the traces of the atrocities committed by the rebels that befell Ivory Coast Ivory Coast for a little over 9 years. Since 29 December, the authorities of the ICC have ordered their financial manager to consider Laurent Gbagbo as financially needy. Therefore entitled to receive the funding they need from the ICC for his defense. Already, 50 million CFA francs and were disbursed for refunds of amounts previously output by the defense to prepare the case but also for the future.

 


With this decision oh so important to defend his client and a significant proportion of the Ivorian population and African, is another success that has won Laurent Gbagbo. This of course after the resounding success of his first appearance on December 5. A benefit that the world has been hailed as the accused has shown that it is his mastery of the subject and shown great ease in front of microphones. But beyond that, it's a big defeat for the camp who accused Ouattara and Laurent Gbagbo continues to lag hold substantial assets abroad.

 


It was on the basis of the gross lie that the power Laurent Gbagbo said he charged for economic crimes. For five weeks, the bailiff of the ICC walked across the globe to find the bank accounts of President Laurent Gbagbo. He found nothing. Tired, exhausted to the extreme, he deposited his luggage in The Hague and told his bosses that he had no trace of accounts filled with billions Ouattara and his flock keep talking. Today, as an elder to say, all the simple things of economic crimes are attributed to Laurent Gbagbo to the ground.

 


The truth was fast asleep like dead wood, when lie took his plane Super Sonic, wake up little by little. And now, the veil is torn. Laurent Gbagbo had warned in his first appearance: "Madame slowly, slowly, we'll go to the end."





Abdoulaye Sanogo Villard

Par truthfighter - Publié dans : justice
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